SammanfattningTurkiet är ett land som, i takt med en stärkt ekonomi, fått ett ökat inflytande i omvärlden. Landet står dessutom i egenskap av kandidatland till EU på Europas tröskel. Men hur stark är egentligen demokratin i Turkiet och vad har landet för utsikter att utvecklas mot en konsoliderad demokrati? Genom analysfrågan:Har demokratin i det turkiska samhället stärkts under perioden 2002 till 2013? ämnar denna uppsats svara på frågeställningen: Vilka förutsättningar har samhället i Turkiet att utvecklas i riktning mot demokratisk konsolidering, sett utifrån Juan J. Linz och Alfred Stepans teori? I denna uppsats utgörs demokratisk konsolidering av tre antaganden:De demokratiska institutionerna och principerna åtnjuter ett utbrett samhälleligt stöd.Alla beslut som fattas och alla åtgärder som vidtas i samhället genomsyras av de demokratiska principerna och ett demokratiskt agerande.De demokratiska principerna och institutionerna är så starka att de inte låter sig påverkas av större samhällsomvandlingar eller av landets ekonomiska status. Med det turkiska samhället avses valda delar av landets civil- samt politiska samhälle.

This essay has the ambition to examine and compare Croatia?s and Bosnia and Herzegovina?s development towards a consolidated democracy. By applying Linz & Stepen?s theory on how to consolidate a democracy and put focus on political society, behavioral patterns, attitude and constitutional structure the purpose is to find similarities and differences between Bosnia and Croatia within this field.The focus of this study is to compare two similar countries that have developed in very different ways. By applying the theory and a comparative method the purpose is to examine why two so similar countries with so much in common have developed in so different ways?In order to better answer the question there are two part questions and these are:What difficulties, concerning consolidation of democracy, have Croatia and Bosnia faced since the democratic transition in the beginning of the 1990s?What similarities and differences in the area of democratic consolidation (with focus on political society, behavioral patterns, attitude and constitutional structure) are there between the two countries?As the analysis shows, the main reason why these two countries differ so much is that Bosnia is a divided country with different nationalities and each nationality only wants to realize its own interest and does not care about what is best for the country as an entity.

This thesis aims to examine when democratic consolidation took place in Costa Rica from a maximalistic perspective. The hypothesis is that it?s likely that the democracy was not consolidated as early as 1953 which would be the case if applying a minimalistic perspective. Linz and Stepan?s theory about democratic consolidation has been chosen as the theoretical framework of the thesis and the research has been conducted by using a qualitative text analysis.

When the Soviet union collapsed at the beginning of the 1990s, a democratization began to develop. During the Jeltsin years, democracy in Russia was developing steadily, but since Putin became president at the turn of the century it has started to move back towards authoritarian rule. The purpose of this study is to explore the reasons for why the democracy in Russia never became consolidated and to understand why the country again has moved towards an authoritarian rule, like the one during the Soviet union.In order to fulfill the aim of this study, two theories were used. These were Linz and Stepan's consolidation theory, about the five arenas that have to be developed, and Samuel P. Huntington's theory about authoritarian nostalgia.

I uppsatsen prövas om medborgerlig gemenskap och socioekonomisk utveckling kan förklara institutionell effektivitet även i icke-demokratiska länder. Med teoretiska utgångspunkter i Putnams numera klassiska teori från Den fungerande demokratin (1996), som efter modifikationer och med inslag från Linz och Stepans ?fem arenor? från Problems of democratic transition and consolidation (1996), testas teorin genom regressionsanalyser och med ett dataset från The Quality of Government Institute. Uppsatsen kommer fram till att det går att förklara den institutionella effektiviteten genom medborgerlig gemenskap och socioekonomisk utveckling oberoende av om landet är demokratiskt eller ej..

The purpose of this thesis is to investigate the democratization process in Kurdistan on the basis of consolidation democracy with focus on arenas defined by Linz and Stepan (1997), namely economic, political, legal, civil society and arenas of state bureaucracy. Furthermore, I intend to explain Kurdistan?s road toward democratization in Kurdistan from 1991 until today, with a focus on the years 2003-2012. The main results are that Kurdistan has developed conditions that support a future consolidation of democracy. However, there are weaknesses in the economic situation, rule of law and the arena of bureaucracy.

The purpose of this thesis is to investigate the democratization process in Kurdistan on the basis of consolidation democracy with focus on arenas defined by Linz and Stepan (1997), namely economic, political, legal, civil society and arenas of state bureaucracy. Furthermore, I intend to explain Kurdistan?s road toward democratization in Kurdistan from 1991 until today, with a focus on the years 2003-2012. The main results are that Kurdistan has developed conditions that support a future consolidation of democracy. However, there are weaknesses in the economic situation, rule of law and the arena of bureaucracy.

The purpose of this thesis is to investigate the democratization process in Kurdistan on the basis of consolidation democracy with focus on arenas defined by Linz and Stepan (1997), namely economic, political, legal, civil society and arenas of state bureaucracy. Furthermore, I intend to explain Kurdistan?s road toward democratization in Kurdistan from 1991 until today, with a focus on the years 2003-2012. The main results are that Kurdistan has developed conditions that support a future consolidation of democracy. However, there are weaknesses in the economic situation, rule of law and the arena of bureaucracy.

The purpose of this thesis is to investigate the democratization process in Kurdistan on the basis of consolidation democracy with focus on arenas defined by Linz and Stepan (1997), namely economic, political, legal, civil society and arenas of state bureaucracy. Furthermore, I intend to explain Kurdistan?s road toward democratization in Kurdistan from 1991 until today, with a focus on the years 2003-2012. The main results are that Kurdistan has developed conditions that support a future consolidation of democracy. However, there are weaknesses in the economic situation, rule of law and the arena of bureaucracy.

The purpose of this thesis is to investigate the democratization process in Kurdistan on the basis of consolidation democracy with focus on arenas defined by Linz and Stepan (1997), namely economic, political, legal, civil society and arenas of state bureaucracy. Furthermore, I intend to explain Kurdistan?s road toward democratization in Kurdistan from 1991 until today, with a focus on the years 2003-2012. The main results are that Kurdistan has developed conditions that support a future consolidation of democracy. However, there are weaknesses in the economic situation, rule of law and the arena of bureaucracy.

SYFTE: Syftet med uppsatsen är tvåfaldigt: Dels att undersökaoch beskriva rådande förutsättningar på den Österrikiskabankmarknaden och att utifrån dessa insikter peka utplatser för en eventuell expansion och öppnande av nyakontor för SHB Österrike.TILLVÄGAGÅNGSSÄTT: I denna uppsats har en metodtriangulering använts föratt täcka och motverka de svagheter med att baraanvända sig av en metod. Vårt förhållningssätt har varitabduktivt, vilket betyder att vi till viss grad varit öppnaför ny information under processens gång och stundtalsgått tillbaka till teoriavsnittet för att förfina.SLUTSATSER: Sammantaget har vi sett en sund och stabil utvecklingbåde på den österrikiska bankmarknaden och förlandsspecifika makrovariabler de senaste åren, vilkettillsammans ger positiva utsikter för framtiden. Islutsatserna av undersökningen pekar vi ut städerna Linzi regionen Oberösterreich och Graz i regionenSteiermark som potentiella platser för eventuellexpandering och utplacering av SHB:s nästkommandekontor i landet..

AbstractThe purpose of this study is to illustrate Serbia?s democratic development on the basis of consolidate democratic perspective. Linz & Stepan´s five arenas (political, civil, economic, legal and bureaucratic) are required for the possibility to become a consolidate democracy. In order to fulfil the aim, I have chosen to focus on the political and civil arenas that are most central in the study of consolidate democracy.The purpose of this study is to process how far Serbia has come towards a consolidate democracy and which obstacles still remain in the transition.The questions in this study are:? What problems has Serbia faced since the democratic transition in the beginning of 1990?? What possibilities are there for Serbia to consolidate the democracy, with focus on the two key arenas of consolidation?By applying the theoretical framework to the data, I have been able to present answers and build up an analysis.

The aim of this essay is to examine whether democracy in St Petersburg isconsolidated or not. Since studies of democratic transition have been rarelyconducted on post-communist cities, this study seems fruitful. Using the Linz andStepan theory, where democracy is considered consolidated when it has become?the only game in town? and Orttung's three criteria legitimacy, politicalpolarisation and policy effectiveness; this essay analyzes people's attitudes,political behaviour, the rule of law and civil society in St Petersburg. Theory isused to interpret the material mainly consisting of two interviews and newspaperarticles.

The purpose of this essay was to analyze the collapse of democracy in the Weimar Republic. This was done by analyzing some of the most turbulent crises in its history like the communists attempt to take power in 1919, the kapp-putsch of 1920, hyperinflation 1923 and the economic depression 1929-1933. The method that I used in this essay is called methodological individualism. It was an analytical framework which helped to understand the citizens view on democracy and legitimacy. The theoretical framework was based on Juan J.Linz and Seymour Martin Lipsets ideas on legitimacy and efficacy.

Vi gör en jämförelse av två teorier som båda behandlar hanteringen av etniska konflikter i plurala samhällen. Dessa två teorier - Consociational Democracy och Transversal Politics, är varandras motsatser och har båda implementerats i etniskt splittrade samhällen. Consociational Democracy som förespråkar mellanetnisk interaktion, har tillämpats i bland annat Bosnien- Hercegovina. Transversal Politics, som har tillämpats i Rwanda, förordar istället icke-etniska politiska plattformer. Båda dessa länder upplevde etniska rensningar under 90-talet, och har sedan dess präglats av försonings- och demokratiseringsprocesser med stor internationell närvaro.